Commentary

Soulia: Pull back the curtain on pre-legislative dealmaking

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By Dave Soulia, fyivt.com

In recent years, some of Vermont’s most consequential laws have followed a similar path: large, complex proposals appear, move quickly through committees, and pass within a single legislative session.

Measures involving land use Act 181 (Act 250 changes), climate policy (the Global Warming Solutions Act), and emerging health care reforms have all carried broad economic and regulatory impact. Yet to outside observers, these bills can seem to materialize fully formed, with key decisions already embedded before the public process begins.

That pattern raises a simple question: when does the real policymaking actually happen—and who is involved before anyone else sees it?

The Gap Between Formal Process and Actual Development

The legislative process is public once a bill is introduced. Committees hold hearings. Testimony is taken. Amendments are debated.

But for major legislation, the foundational work often happens earlier—sometimes months or longer in advance. Draft language may be shaped through discussions involving agencies, advocacy groups, industry representatives, consultants, or legislative leadership. By the time a bill receives a number, its core structure is frequently already in place.

None of that is inherently improper. Complex policy requires coordination. But the current system does not consistently document that early phase.

As a result, the public record begins after much of the meaningful design work has already occurred.

A Proposal: The Vermont Legislation Disclosure Act

One possible response would be a new transparency requirement: the Vermont Legislation Disclosure Act.

The concept is straightforward. Before a bill can be taken up by a committee, it would need to include a public disclosure outlining who materially participated in developing the legislation prior to its introduction.

This would not limit collaboration. It would simply require that collaboration to be documented.

What a Disclosure Requirement Could Include

Under such a framework, each bill would be accompanied by a Statement of Pre-Introduction Development, made publicly available at the time of introduction.

That statement could include:

  • The individuals, agencies, organizations, or firms that contributed substantively to the bill’s design
  • Whether outside entities provided draft language in whole or in part
  • The general nature of pre-introduction meetings or coordination (without requiring detailed transcripts)
  • Any reports, model legislation, or policy templates used in drafting
  • Whether the bill originated from a request by an agency, industry group, advocacy organization, or legislative leadership

To ensure the disclosure has practical effect, committees could be restricted from acting on a bill until the statement has been publicly available for a defined period, such as several days.

Transparency Without Restriction

The intent behind such an idea would not be to slow down lawmaking or discourage input from stakeholders. Modern legislation—especially in areas like health care, environmental regulation, and housing—often depends on specialized expertise.

Instead, the goal would be alignment between how policy is actually developed and what the public is able to see.

Current lobbying disclosures and public testimony capture activity after a bill is introduced. A pre-introduction disclosure would extend transparency to the earlier stage where many key decisions are made.

Defining “Material Participation”

Any serious proposal would need to address a central challenge: defining what counts as meaningful involvement.

A workable standard would likely focus on material participation—that is, contributing to the substance of the bill. This could include proposing policy structure, drafting language, shaping implementation mechanisms, or influencing funding and enforcement provisions.

Casual conversations or general input would not necessarily trigger disclosure. The emphasis would be on identifying those who helped build the framework of the legislation itself.

Potential Benefits—and Friction

Supporters of this type of requirement could argue that it strengthens public trust without fundamentally changing how laws are written. Legislators would retain full authority to collaborate and develop policy, while gaining a clearer public record of how proposals came together.

At the same time, resistance would be likely. Additional disclosure requirements can create administrative burdens, and some participants in the process may prefer to keep early-stage discussions informal or less visible.

There would also be questions about enforcement, accuracy, and how to handle incomplete disclosures.

A Broader Question for Vermont.

Vermont has long emphasized open government, with accessible committee hearings and a relatively transparent legislative process. The question raised by this idea is whether that transparency should extend further upstream.

As major legislation continues to shape land use, economic conditions, and public services across the state, the issue is less about any single bill and more about how the process is understood.

Should the public record begin at the moment a bill is introduced—or at the point where it is first built?

The concept behind a Vermont Legislation Disclosure Act does not answer that question outright. But it frames it more directly: if significant policy is developed before the public process begins, should that development be visible as well?


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Categories: Commentary, Legislation

11 replies »

  1. These proposals would also go a long way to shine a light on our legislators “off session” interactions with lobbyists, industry leaders and the fiduciary of special national interests. Lobbyist is not a bad word or title in itself. I am a recovering lobbyist myself.
    But the “capture” of our legislative leadership and committee system has been obvious to many of us for a couple decades. It is far too “clubby” and incestuous to be transparent and there is loads of money unseen and unreported simply because its not captured by our election a d lobbyist Disclosure) laws.
    Bravo for the ideas but it may be too little too late for problems like the state and land trust takeovers of private land ownership.

  2. They should make lobbyists and NGOs wear yellow baseball hats when talking with any legislator, if found not wearing hat $500 fine first offense, $1500 second offense, 5 day jail sentence third offense, 6 month jail offense on fourth offense.

    One of the legislators know the 10 people who set the agenda before session, I’m sure it’s common knowledge in the swamp. While I do love VDC, both Guy and t Paul Bean who did the great interview have not followed up on the story despite many requests, it was one of the most revealing interviews ever done.

    Of course the true reason is they would likely never be able to enter the golden dome again, be cancelled and or their lives threatened.

    Montpelier is not what the public thinks it is.

  3. The lobbying being done and the deals being discussed during the “off session” (if there really is such a thing as off-session) are more dangerous, since they are off the radar screen of what is left of the democrat-friendly media in Vermont.

  4. Town select boards are subject to the SOV “Open Meetings” regulations. Why is it acceptable for legislators to meet, and discuss state policies without warning, outside of officially sanctioned venues ?

  5. ……..” if significant policy is developed before the public process begins, should that development be visible as well?:……..Yes…

  6. The calendars (appointment books, sheets, etc) need to be made public and visible for the entire time they are in office.

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