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Soulia: Should Montpelier control your land?

by Dave Soulia, for FYIVT.com

When democrat and progressive lawmakers passed Act 181 in 2024 by overiding Governor Phil Scott’s veto, they did more than “modernize” Act 250. They created a new Land Use Review Board (LURB), a six-member nominating committee to screen candidates for that board, and a framework that lets those FIVE LURB members sign off — or not — on the regional maps that will shape where Vermonters can build for decades.

Act 181 was enacted with a Democratic/Progressive supermajority. The same legislative leadership that wrote and passed the bill now sits on the committee that chooses who is “well qualified” to serve on LURB. From that short list, the Governor appoints five members, and the Senate confirms them.

Who sits on the Land Use Review Board?

The current LURB is made up of five people:

In short: three career planners, one long-time Act 250 administrator/engineer, and one land-use/environmental lawyer. All five come out of Vermont’s planning and regulatory world. None list farming, logging, small-scale building, or long-term landownership as their primary line of work.

They were chosen from a pool screened by the Land Use Review Board Nominating Committee, a six-member panel made up of:

That committee was created by Act 181 itself and charged with recommending a list of “well qualified” candidates for the Governor to appoint and the Senate to confirm.

Those are the people now empowered to approve or send back the regional plans and Future Land Use (FLU) maps that cover every town in Vermont — and to decide which regions qualify for the new Tier 1A and Tier 1B Act 250 relief.

What Act 181 actually does

Act 181’s core move is to shift Act 250 from being mostly project-size-based to being location-based.

To do that, it requires every regional planning commission to:

The FLU map is not just advisory. It is the foundation for “location-based jurisdiction” under Act 250. Once the map is in place, Act 181 overlays a tier system that determines how hard Act 250 bites in different places.

The tier system: carrot and stick

The new tiers are designed to push more development into mapped centers and tighten rules in mapped “resource” areas:

The “carrot and stick” is simple:

8C and 9(B): the new and old environmental levers

Act 181 also leans heavily on two Act 250 criteria that tie back to state mapping.

Criterion 8C – forest fragmentation and wildlife connectivity

Criterion 9(B) – primary agricultural soils

Together, 8C and 9(B) give LURB and Act 250 more leverage over land that maps as:

What this means for Vermonters

For most Vermonters, this will show up in a few practical ways:

Who built what’s now being “protected”?

There is another layer that helps explain why Act 181 is drawing strong reactions in rural towns.

Vermont’s “prime agricultural soils” and “intact forest blocks” are not untouched wilderness. Less than 200 years ago, the state was heavily cleared for sheep and agriculture; hillsides that are wooded today were open ground. Forest cover returned only as marginal farms were abandoned and landowners allowed woods to regrow and, in many cases, began to manage them more carefully.

The same is true of much of Vermont’s “prime” farmland. The officially mapped soil series that qualify as “primary agricultural soils” are, in many cases, naturally stony, acidic glacial tills that were made productive by generations of work: stones picked, drainage added, fertility built up over time.

Those are the lands that now show up on the FLU maps as Rural Agriculture & Forestry, Rural Conservation, forest blocks, and habitat connectors — and that fall under criteria 8C and 9(B) when a project reaches Act 250.

Who’s in the room — and who isn’t

Act 181 hands the job of enforcing this framework to:

Their task is to administer the law they’ve been given: reviewing regional FLU maps, deciding whether they are consistent with statewide housing and conservation goals, and granting or denying Tier 1A/1B designations that can reshape where and how Vermonters build.

What’s missing, at least on paper, is any explicit representation for the people whose work created the “prime” soils and forest blocks in the first place: long-time farmers, working foresters and loggers, small rural landowners and small builders whose livelihoods depend on the land the maps now describe.

Act 181 does not change who owns the land. It does change who draws the lines that matter — and who has the final say when those lines do not match what towns and landowners thought their future would look like.

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